Denis Borges Barbosa
In a
most keen analysis of the
Industrial Property System,
Edith Penrose [i] remarked that a patent system must be
international to be effective. If in a country a patent as granted for a novelty
the industry benefited with the right will have the opportunity of
recovering the prior research expenditures by
means of the exclusivity under the patent, the
result shall be a higher price than what will amount the cost
of inputs plus average profit
level; probably, as it was shown by
Vaitsos in connection with the pharmaceutical
industry, much, much more [ii](2)
If a
neighboring country, however,
denies patent protection to the
same product or process (provided that its industry is capable of utilizing
the novelty), its consumers will
benefit from the
new technology at competition prices; a better
situation therefore, than
the consumers of the country
where the invention
was made; moreover, to recoup the costs or to enhance the profit margin the patentee will probably
try to extract from his exclusive
market what he is losing elsewhere.
Thus, in a purely national
protective system the country investing most in technology
will be the more injured in its world
competitive power, as the general prices would tend to be higher,
social pressures more demanding and the
domestic market less
flexible. This may be easily extended to the effect of
copyright on technological products, as software.
Penrose also noted that, even if the patent system must not be purely national, it can be
and historically has been nationally limited to
some countries. For
long years, Switzerland (already
a member of
the Paris Convention) refused to
grant any patents although
her nationals abroad could
get protection for
which was denied in their
own country; and persisted doing
so until her industry reached an internationally competitive level [iii].
In fact, in most
cases the technical
inability to exploit an
invention was a much better deterrent
than any patent system; but even
in undeveloped countries without
technical capability a patent was always desirable to keep as exclusive
their markets for exports from abroad.
At the
present moment, the paramount element is certainly the globalization of the
world market. Homogenization of the
single markets through standartization of demand and universal offer, the lowering of tariff barriers, the
new communication technologies, the managerial talent of the multinational
corporations, and the growing cultural uniformity of the various countries, all
those characteristics of the new times facilitate the productive organization
in really global terms. Technology, specially information technology, is an
essential requirement therefor.
Inner
structural stimuli also impose globalization: the large competitive growth in a
not too expansive global economy seems
incompatible with market fragmentation caused by tariff and other legal
barriers. Investment resulting from prior existing legal barriers is similarly
affected. Raising research costs also require a larger market to target the new
products and services.
Globalization
leads almost inexorably to legal uniformity. In the field of intellectual
property, this means a minimum unequality requirement, whereby no industrial
plant should be required by the pertinent legislation to work in a place where
it would not be otherwise located, nor any commercial or industrial outfit
denied entry to markets where they would naturally bloom.
National
legislations are being actually changed in the last times, and not
surprisingly, to the benefit of the holder of the patents, copyrights and
trademarks. The privatist trend expressed itself by the multiplication of
property titles, some of them actually statutory creations, but others the
result of judicial constructionism - mostly by extending old law to new
objects.
At the same
time, objective uniformization of the various national interests of the
industrialized countries led to legal uniformization of intellectual property
laws. Until the 80s, several OECD countries denied full patent protection to inventions,
on the basis of peculiar national characteristics. With the supervening
economic and cultural uniformity, full protection was generalized among
industrialized nations for the first time in history.
The more
recent technologies brought also a new standard of protection, with different
rights and duties attributed to parties and the community at large. New
patterns of technology disclosure and reinforced trade secret rules compose
this framework.
Most
significant cause of the changes of the national legislations in the Third
World countries, however, was the
direct, U.S. unilateral diplomatic and economic action. The privatist trend
added to other restrictions imposed to the spread and use of technology,
deriving from the national security or foreign policy rules of the industrialized
countries. Export of technology, including patent documents, was subject to
stricter controls; access of Third World scientists, students and institutions
to segments of scientific information - including scientific conferences and research
experience -, is being more and more restricted.
These were
the times to see the private property blooming in the realms of knowledge, undisturbed
by the simultaneous growth of military and political control of technology.
[i] La Economia Del Sistema
International de Patentes. Ed.Siglo XXI,1974. Mexico.
[ii] Constantine Vaitsos:
Patents Revisited. Pacto
Andino, 1971.
[iii] Carlos Correa , Tecnologia y
desarollo de la informatica en el contexto norte-sur, pg. 60. In this context we shall follow
closely Carlos Correa’s analysis of the matter.